Institutional design in deeply divided societies: South Africa and Kosovo and lessons for constitution drafting in emerging democracies – coalition and self-government

by | Oct 26, 2019 | TSAR 2019 I3

Institutional design in deeply divided societies: South Africa and Kosovo and lessons for constitution drafting in emerging democracies – coalition and self-government

Authors Bertus de Villiers

ISSN: 1996-2207
Affiliations: Visiting Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Johannesburg
Source: Tydskrif vir die Suid-Afrikaanse Reg, Issue 3, 2019, p. 467 – 483

Abstract

INSTITUSIONELE ONTWERP IN VERDEELDE GEMEENSKAPPE: SUID-AFRIKA EN KOSOVO EN LESSE VIR GRONDWETLIKE ONTWIKKELING IN ONTLUIKENDE DEMOKRASIE\xc3\x8b — KOALISIE- EN SELFREGERING Die outeur fokus op koalisieregering en selfregering. In beide Kosovo en Suid-Afrika moes ‘n besluit geneem word of die etniese samestelling van die bevolking relevant is vir institusionele ontwerp en indien wel, wat daarmee gemaak moet word. In Suid-Afrika is daar ingevolge die interim grondwet slegs tydelik voorsiening gemaak vir ‘n verpligte koalisie in die regering van nasionale eenheid. Die model onder die 1996-grondwet is egter uitsluitlik op meerderheidsregering gebaseer. In Kosovo daarenteen, is etnisiteit ‘n bousteen van die grondwet met verpligte koalisieregering vir ‘n onbepaalde tyd. Albei die benaderings bevat risiko’s. Vir doeleindes van ‘n o\xc3\xabnskynlike waarborg van selfregering vir minderheidsgroeperings het Suid-Afrika etnisiteit indirek geakkommodeer by wyse van die afbakening van provinsies wat op ‘n streeksbasis breedweg erkenning aan verskillende taalgemeenskappe verleen hoewel meerderheidsbewind steeds geld. Daar is voorsiening in die grondwet vir moontlike kultuurrade vir gemeenskappe, maar geen wetgewing is ooit aanvaar om inhoud aan daardie beginsel te gee nie. In Kosovo het ‘n minderheidsgemeenskap soos die Serwi\xc3\xabrs uitgebreide magte in munisipale gebiede waar hulle ‘n meerderheid is. Daar is ook voorsiening gemaak dat in alle plaaslike regerings waar 10% of meer van die bevolking van ‘n minderheidsgroep is, dat daardie gemeenskap gewaarborgde verteenwoordiging verkry. Minderheidsgemeenskappe is in Kosovo ook geregtig om op plaaslike vlak hul eie plek en straatname te beskerm, asook op staatsonderrig in die skole in hul huistaal. In Suid-Afrika geld die beginsel van meerderheidsbewind op plaaslike vlak hoewel diversiteit indirek deur territoriale oorwegings geakkommodeer word. Die gevolgtrekking word gemaak: (a) dat ‘n interim periode vir ‘n substantiewe tyd moet geld ten einde demokratiese tradisies en gebruike te help vestig; (b) dat belonings in die stelsel ingebou moet word ten einde kruissnydende lojaliteite te help ontwikkel; (c) dat koalisieregering belangrik is om te verseker dat minderhede nie permanent gemarginaliseer word nie; (d) dat territoriale en nie-territoriale selfregering essensieel is ten einde gemeenskappe in staat te stel om besluite te neem en selfbestuur toe te pas oor aangeleenthede wat vir hul identiteit belangrik is; en (e) dat daar geen formule is wat vooraf kan bepaal welke benadering van konsosiasie of integrasie suksesvol sal wees vir ‘n bepaalde staat nie, maar dat ‘n verpligte koalisie wel die basis kan bied vir latere ontwikkeling na ‘n integrasie-model.

Rechtspraak in Nederland en Zuid-Afrika: Een wederzijdse les?

by | Oct 26, 2019 | TSAR, TSAR 2019 I3

Rechtspraak in Nederland en Zuid-Afrika: Een wederzijdse les?

Authors Irene Broekhuijse, Marius van Staden

ISSN: 1996-2207
Affiliations: Assistent-professor, Faculteit der Rechtsgeleerdheid, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. Navorsingsgenoot Universiteit van Johannesburg; Seniordocent, Faculteit der Rechtsgeleerdheid, Universiteit van Johannesburg
Source: Tydskrif vir die Suid-Afrikaanse Reg, Issue 3, 2019, p. 450 – 466

Abstract

STATUTORY INTERPRETATION IN SOUTH AFRICA AND THE NETHERLANDS: A MUTUAL LESSON? This article addresses and compares the development of statutory interpretation in South Africa and the Netherlands from the seventeenth century to today. The aim of the article is to explore what insights both systems can gain from each other after such a long time has passed since the inception of Roman-Dutch law in South Africa and after the judiciary in both countries developed and sophisticated their respective interpretation techniques. The first part of the article discusses the historical influence of Roman-Dutch law in South Africa, and provides an insight on the subsequent developments of statutory interpretation by the South African judiciary. Specifically, this part traces the development of methods of interpretation from Dutch inception, through British colonisation and ultimately to the adoption of a teleological model of interpretation following the advent of constitutionalism in South Africa. The second part of the article highlights some key developments in statutory interpretation in the Netherlands. It illustrates that the judiciary, and more specifically the court of cassation, has developed from acting as the "bouche de la loi" (from at least the early eighteen hundreds, when legislation commanded the courts to abstain from judging the values of a statute) to more extensive interpretation of statutes. Among the most spectacular developments is the acknowledgment of international human rights norms in the national legal order, especially since the number of such norms has increased enormously after the Second World War. Judges are now tasked with balancing these rights, interpreting them correctly, and construing national legal norms in the light of these norms. Such a task has become more difficult in an increasingly multicultural context, in which people and their interests can be at odds. The article finds that, although statutory interpretation developed differently in the Netherlands than in South Africa, there is reason for both countries to study the experience of their counterparts. For the Netherlands, it is argued that much may be gained from the South African approach and experience in interpreting legislation within a human-rights context. South African scholars may also gain much insight from the Dutch experience in navigating the difficult area between judicial law making and the duty of judges to interpret legislation that may bring about more legal certainty within the South African legal system.

South Africa’s International Relations During a Second Term: Domestic Interests within Global Dynamics

by | Oct 25, 2019 | SAYIL, SAYIL 2014

South Africa’s International Relations During a Second Term: Domestic Interests within Global Dynamics

Authors Dirk Kotzé

ISSN: 2521-2583
Affiliations: Professor in the Department of Political Sciences at the University of South Africa (UNISA)
Source: South African Yearbook of International Law, 2014, p. 227 – 247

Abstract

None

Responding to Boko Haram: Why the African Union must Lead the Fight against the Insurgency

by | Oct 25, 2019 | SAYIL, SAYIL 2014

Responding to Boko Haram: Why the African Union must Lead the Fight against the Insurgency

Authors Swikani Ncube

ISSN: 2521-2583
Affiliations: LLD Candidate, South African Research Chair in International Law, University of Johannesburg, South Africa
Source: South African Yearbook of International Law, 2014, p. 209 – 226

Abstract

This contribution argues that the decision to authorise the establishment of the Multinational Joint Task force (MNJTF) could not have come at a better time. Furthermore, it argues that the mandate of the MNJTF is comprehensive enough to bring stability to the Lake Chad region and is evidence of the African Union’s (AU) commitment to fighting terrorism and extremism on the continent. The first part of the paper gives a contextual background to the ‘Boko Haram’ insurgency while the second part outlines the Nigerian government and the international community’s response to the insurgency. The third section discusses the mandate of the MNJTF and further outlines reasons why the establishment of the Force is a timely intervention by the AU. This is followed by concluding remarks. The paper does not attempt to define terrorism as there are numerous definitions of the phenomenon; however, it proceeds from the premise that the activities of Boko Haram constitute terrorism.

Assessing the Legality of Cameroon’s Responses to Boko Haram Attacks on Cameroonian Territory

by | Oct 25, 2019 | SAYIL, SAYIL 2014

Assessing the Legality of Cameroon’s Responses to Boko Haram Attacks on Cameroonian Territory

Authors Avitus Agbor

ISSN: 2521-2583
Affiliations: Senior Lecturer, Faculty of Law, North-West University (Mafikeng Campus)
Source: South African Yearbook of International Law, 2014, p. 172 – 208

Abstract

States, as the principal actors of international law, owe duties to both other states and their peoples. Among these duties are the protection of its national territory, its peoples, and their national interests. These duties are sacrosanct and constitute the primary responsibility of any responsible government. In cases of armed attack launched against a sovereign state, international law clearly grants the state under attack the right to defend itself. The use of force in the exercise of the right of self-defence is governed by article 51 of the United Nations (UN) Charter, the substantive content of which has triggered considerable debate. I argue that the recent armed attacks launched by the Nigerian-based terrorist network, Boko Haram, on Cameroonian soil qualify as both aggression and mass atrocities. This compels the state to fulfil its primary mandate to protect its people. In consequence, Cameroon’s responses have been varied including the adoption of counter-terrorism legislation; diplomatic engagements with neighbouring states such as Chad, Benin and Niger and the resulting establishment of a Regional Multinational Joint Task Force; and a military counter-offensive against Boko Haram to contain and repel the Nigerian-based terrorist group. Given the diversity of these responses, one may ask whether they are justified in international law? This paper seeks to answer this question by assessing the legality of each of Cameroon’s responses in the light of international law and counter-terrorism measures.

Tackling the Boko Haram Insurgency: Causes, Challenges and Responses

by | Oct 25, 2019 | SAMLJ, SAMLJ V26 I1

Tackling the Boko Haram Insurgency: Causes, Challenges and Responses

Authors Michael Addaney

ISSN: 2521-2583
Affiliations: None
Source: South African Yearbook of International Law, 2014, p. 157 – 171

Abstract

Over the past five years, a wide ambit of narratives has been proffered on the Boko Haram insurgence in northern Nigeria, particularly its causes and possible solutions. Most of these narratives conflict and thus compete with one another. This is effectively making it difficult for the government of Nigeria and the international community to devise a clearcut approach to deal with the crisis. It has also played an immense role in worsening the relationship between the predominantly Muslim North and the mainly Christian South. This paper critically tests a number of existing narratives that seek both to explain the origins of Boko Haram and propose solutions. It does this through a meta-analysis and critical content analysis of literature as well as information from both local and international media sources. It is organised under two commanding schools of thought: (i) the human development theory and (ii) the Islamic-state theory. Without doubt, the Boko Haram phenomenon is extremely complex. Yet these two theoretical explanations of the insurgence have a significant influence on public thinking about the crisis. While the Islamic-state theory seems to be mainly advanced by the locals who are mostly civilians (Nigerians), the West tends to think that human development issues of poverty are more important. It was found that there was no specific authoritative way of thinking about the crisis in terms of its causes. The study is designed to play an instrumental role in finding a sustainable solution for the crisis in a modest way. In terms of solutions, however, a military intervention through force is suitable should dialogue fail by March 2015.